China has decided to impose sanctions on former Philippines' senator Francis Tolentino for his egregious conduct on China-related issues and prohibit him from entering the Chinese mainland, Hong Kong and Macao, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson announced on Tuesday. 

Chinese experts believe the sanctions are necessary and targeted, serving as a warning, since Tolentino's claims have seriously damaged China-Philippines relations and affected the lives of the Chinese community in the Philippines.

For quite some time, driven by selfish interests, a handful of anti-China politicians in the Philippines have made malicious remarks and moves on issues related to China that are detrimental to China's interests and China-Philippines relations. The Chinese government is firmly resolved to defend national sovereignty, security and development interests, said the spokesperson.

When asked to provide some specific examples of the "improper behavior" that led to Chinese sanctions, and more details as well as the reasons behind the sanctions, following the announcement the same day, another Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning said that the website of Chinese Foreign Ministry had released the sanction decision and elaborated on it, which you may refer to.

"Let me stress that there are consequences for hurting China's interests," Mao said.

Tolentino is one of the key figures behind the passage of the so-called "Act Declaring the Maritime Zones under the Jurisdiction of the Republic of the Philippines" in the Philippine Senate, newspaper Lianhe Zaobao reported.

With regard to the "Act Declaring the Maritime Zones under the Jurisdiction of the Republic of the Philippines" ("Maritime Zones Act") and the "Act Authorizing the President of the Philippines to Establish the Archipelagic Sea Lanes in Philippine Archipelagic Waters" ("Archipelagic Sea Lanes Act") announced by the Republic of the Philippines on November 8, 2024, the Chinese Foreign Ministry solemnly stated in November 2024 that the Philippine Maritime Zones Act illegally includes China's Huangyan Dao and most of the islands and reefs of China's Nansha Qundao and relevant waters into the maritime zones of the Philippines, and attempts to enshrine the illegal award of the South China Sea arbitration in the form of domestic legislation. 

China strongly condemns and firmly rejects this as the move gravely infringes upon China's territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea. China's territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests in the South China Sea shall by no means be affected by the enactment of the Act, said the statement.

Tolentino is the malicious driving force behind the so-called "Maritime Zones Act" pushed by the Philippines, which not only violates the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea but also contravenes the UN Charter and other relevant international laws, said Ding Duo, director of the Research Center for International and Regional Studies at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies. 

Yang Xiao, an international strategy scholar who has long tracked issues in the South China Sea, told the Global Times on Tuesday that the South China Sea has been an integral part of China's territory and maritime rights since ancient times, and he believed that Tolentino's actions in promoting "Maritime Zones Act" are one of the reasons China decided to impose sanctions on him.

Tolentino, leveraging his family's political influence, holds considerable sway in Philippine politics and has long maintained an anti-China stance, Ding said, further noting that Tolentino has consistently actively pushed laws to support the illegal ruling of the South China Sea arbitration and consolidate the Philippines' illegal claims.

Yang noted that Tolentino has also been hyping up the so-called "China threat" narrative, interfering in China's affairs and stirring up fear of China among the Philippine elite.

According to a May report by Philippine media outlet Rappler, Tolentino claimed that the Philippine Senate should launch probes into suspicions of Chinese espionage and interference in the country's 2025 elections. 

By presenting so-called evidence, he claimed that the Chinese Embassy in Manila hired a local public relations firm tasked with influencing public perception through fake social media accounts, while simultaneously attacking Philippine government policies seen as unfavorable to Beijing, the Straits Times reported in April.

In response to related inquiry, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun stated that China follows the principle of non-interference in other countries' domestic affairs. We have no interest in interfering in Philippine elections.

"Tolentino has seriously damaged China-Philippines relations and shows no political integrity," Ding said, adding that Tolentino often attacks people with fair views on China, accusing them of "selling out" the Philippines to smear his political opponents.

China's sanctions are not simply in response to rhetoric, but are based on actual actions that have harmed China's sovereignty and development interests, and they serve as a legal countermeasure, Yang said.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen met with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi here on Wednesday, with both sides expressing willingness to deepen cooperation and jointly address global challenges.

Wang, also a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee, noted that this year marks both the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the European Union (EU), and the 80th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations.

The more complex and challenging the international landscape becomes, the more China and the EU, as two great civilizations and major forces, need to strengthen communication, enhance mutual trust, assume responsibilities, and serve as forces of global stability and certainty, he said.

Describing the upcoming China-EU leaders' meeting as a significant event taking place at a critical juncture, Wang said China looks forward to working with the EU to summarize the valuable experience and important insights from the past 50 years of the China-EU relations, and map out the future direction of dialogue and cooperation for the next 50 years, sending a clear, positive, and constructive signal to the world.

Meanwhile, Wang stressed that China has always supported European integration, calling on both sides to uphold multilateralism and free trade, safeguard international rules and order, promote peaceful resolution of international disputes, and join hands in addressing global challenges such as climate change.

He also underscored that China remains committed to high-quality development and high-level opening-up and voiced China's readiness to work with the EU to uphold the positioning as partners, deepen economic and trade cooperation, expand two-way openness, and properly handle differences through consultation to achieve mutual benefit and win-win results.

For her part, von der Leyen said the upcoming EU-China leaders' meeting will be the best opportunity for both sides to jointly mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties.

Highlighting the EU's commitment to developing stable and constructive ties with China, and mutually beneficial economic and trade cooperation, von der Leyen said she looks forward to in-depth discussions with Chinese leaders on issues of mutual concern, demonstrating the two sides' commitment and responsibility to deepen cooperation and jointly tackle global challenges such as climate change, thereby sending a strong and positive signal to the world.

Von der Leyen also reiterated that the EU will continue to adhere to the one-China policy.

China will hold an art exhibition from August to September to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, according to a press conference held by the State Council Information Office on Thursday.

A number of cultural events and outstanding cultural works were unveiled to mark the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression (1931-45) and the World Anti-Fascist War, according to a press conference held by China's State Council Information Office on Thursday.

Lu Yingchuan, a vice minister of Culture and Tourism of China, said at the press conference that an evening gala will be held on September 3 in Beijing to mark the 80th anniversary of the victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War.

From August to October, a series of outstanding stage performances will be held to commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. Around 20 high-quality productions will be selected from across the country and staged in major theaters in Beijing for approximately 40 performances in total, according to Lu. 

Meanwhile, an art exhibition will be held at the National Art Museum of China from August to September. Over 300 artworks — including traditional Chinese paintings, oil paintings, prints, sculptures, and watercolors — will be selected from across the country for the exhibition. Lu said. 

Liu Jianguo, a deputy director of the National Radio and Television Administration, said that a large number of outstanding radio, television, and online audiovisual works and programs will be released, telling stories of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and promoting its enduring spirit.

"We are advancing the creation of a series of themed works that tell the story of the Chinese people's unyielding struggle before, during, and after the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, including the TV series Our Homeland and Eight Thousand Miles of Cloud and Moon," said Liu, adding that a series of documentaries and online docuseries on the theme of the War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression will be released throughout the year.

A dedicated commemorative exhibition will open its doors to the public on July 7 to mark the 80th anniversary of victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War, said Luo Cunkang, curator of the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

by Xinhua writer Jiang Hanlu

On the banks of the shimmering Huangpu River that cuts through the Chinese metropolis of Shanghai sits the headquarters of the New Development Bank, co-founded by the BRICS countries more than a decade ago to foster the shared development of the world's emerging economies.

In his visit to this new landmark in China's financial center late April, Chinese President Xi Jinping told the bank's president and former Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff this multilateral institution has been a result of "a pioneering initiative for the Global South to seek strength through unity."

For the Chinese leader, the BRICS mechanism is a major platform for promoting cooperation among countries in the Global South. In the coming days, this year's BRICS summit will open in the Brazilian city of Rio de Janeiro under the theme of "Strengthening Global South Cooperation for More Inclusive and Sustainable Governance."

Xi's April visit to the bank demonstrates his long-standing commitment to bolstering the solidarity and common development of the Global South, amplifying the role of over 6 billion people in a world fraught with uncertainty and challenges unseen in a century.
COLLECTIVE RISE

"The collective rise of the Global South is a distinctive feature of the great transformation across the world," Xi observed when addressing the "BRICS Plus" Dialogue held in Kazan, Russia, in October last year.

Much more than a pure geographical or economic term, the Global South refers to a community of emerging markets and developing countries that share similar historical experiences, development stages and goals, and political pursuits.

The concept of "South" was first coined in Antonio Gramsci's work "The Southern Question" written in 1926, in which the Italian Marxist philosopher highlighted the development gap between northern and southern Italy.

The rise of the Global South has been decades in the making. Back in 1955, the landmark Bandung Conference convened in Indonesia under the flag of solidarity, friendship and cooperation, marking the awakening of the Global South after centuries of Western colonial rule. In 1964, the Group of 77, a coalition of developing countries, was established in Geneva within the United Nations to promote South-South cooperation and form a new international economic order.

Through extensive cooperation, the countries of the Global South have emerged as a key driver of global growth. These countries have contributed as much as 80 percent of global growth over the past 20 years, with a share of global GDP increasing from 24 percent four decades ago to more than 40 percent today.

China, the world's largest developing country, is a natural member of the Global South. In 2004, the United Nations Development Programme included China in its list of more than 130 Global South countries in a report titled "Forging a Global South." Some Westerners have challenged China's position that it is part of the Global South. In response, Xi has provided a clear answer.

"As a developing country and a member of the Global South, China breathes the same breath with other developing countries and pursues a shared future with them," Xi once said.

Historically, China has suffered from Western colonialism and imperialism, much like other developing countries, said Cavince Adhere, a Kenya-based international relations scholar.

"Even today, despite inordinate success by Beijing to rise from the backwaters of development to be the second-largest economy in the world, as well as the first developing country to eliminate extreme poverty, China still faces common development challenges, and holds similar views regarding the current international order and global governance," he added. "Because of this, China has emerged as a strong champion for the legitimate rights and interests of many Global South countries."

LEAVING NO ONE BEHIND

Ahead of Xi's state visit to Brazil late last year, the Portuguese edition of the book "Up And Out Of Poverty" was officially launched in Rio de Janeiro. The book, first published in 1992, outlines Xi's perspectives on poverty eradication, local governance, reform and development when he worked in the formerly impoverished prefecture of Ningde in China's southeastern Fujian province.

Poverty has long ranked atop among the problems facing the Global South. With Xi's steadfast commitment and strong leadership, China has eradicated absolute poverty in its rural areas, a feat that no one had accomplished in China for thousands of years.

At the G20 Summit in Rio de Janeiro last year, Xi spoke with quiet conviction, recounting his lifelong dedication to poverty alleviation, from his time as a local official to his current role as China's top leader.

In his speech, Xi said a weaker bird can start early and fly high. "If China can make it, other developing countries can make it too. This is what China's battle against poverty says to the world," he said.

Xi's "weaker bird" metaphor originated from his book on poverty. His speech struck a chord with several foreign leaders, who asked the Chinese delegation whether they could share a copy of the speech.

The Chinese leader has placed great emphasis on development. For him, "development holds the master key to solving all problems," particularly when the global development gap continues to widen. Over the years, Xi has also been active in rallying global efforts to put development back on the international agenda as a central priority.

When attending the general debate of the 76th session of the UN General Assembly in 2021 via video, Xi proposed the Global Development Initiative, an international policy framework to promote sustainable development around the world. To date, the initiative has garnered the support and participation of over 100 countries and 20 international organizations.
To boost common development in the Global South, Xi has been promoting practical cooperation through major infrastructure projects within the Belt and Road Initiative. During his foreign visits over the years, Xi would launch or visit major projects, such as the Chancay Port in Peru, the Dushanbe No. 2 power plant in Tajikistan and the Colombo Port City in Sri Lanka. When hosting leaders of the Global South in Beijing, Xi would also discuss with them major projects for cooperation during their talks.

Xi believes that the Global South should be the main driving force for common development and that "On the path to modernization, no one, and no country, should be left behind." He also supports countries of the Global South exploring paths of modernization tailored to their distinctive national conditions, rather than following Western development models.

Also at last year's G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro, Xi outlined eight measures in support of Global South cooperation, ranging from high-quality Belt and Road cooperation to boosting development in Africa. Months earlier, at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Beijing last year, Xi unveiled 10 partnership actions and granted zero-tariff treatment on all product categories to the least developed countries with which it has diplomatic relations.
Gu Qingyang, associate professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy at the National University of Singapore, said, "China can play a positive role in the development of Global South countries," adding that Chinese technology and expertise in industrial development can support the modernization of the Global South's various regions.

EMPOWERING GLOBAL SOUTH IN INTERNATIONAL GOVERNANCE

As Xi once observed, in the face of global changes of the century, pursuing modernization and working for a more just and equitable international order are the sacred historic missions of Global South countries.

Xi described the BRICS countries as "leading members of the Global South," calling for building BRICS into "a primary channel for strengthening solidarity and cooperation among Global South nations and a vanguard for advancing global governance reform."

Since becoming Chinese president in 2013, Xi has always been a steadfast champion of BRICS cooperation. In Xiamen, he advocated for the "BRICS Plus" program at the 2017 BRICS summit, calling for more active participation from other emerging markets and developing nations. He played a crucial role in propelling the BRICS' historic expansion in 2023, ushering in the era of greater BRICS cooperation.

Effective coordination between BRICS members and other countries in the Global South has been adding more bricks to the global governance architecture. The New Development Bank exemplifies this effort.

Xi said the bank serves as "an important emerging force in the international financial system," which should work to "make the international financial system fairer and more equitable and effectively enhance the representation and say of emerging markets and developing countries."
Over the years, China, under Xi's leadership, has taken concrete steps to advocate for developing countries, help Global South countries enhance their representation and voice in international governance, and promote a more just and equitable international order.

At the 2022 G20 summit in Bali, Indonesia, China took the lead in supporting the African Union (AU)'s membership in the G20. In their meeting on the sidelines of the summit, then Senegalese President Macky Sall, who was also the AU chairperson that year, thanked Xi for being the first to publicly support the AU's G20 membership.

The global leadership today remains lopsided, and rebalancing this skewed system is a shared imperative for both the Global North and South, said Paolo Magri, managing director and chair of the advisory board of the Italian Institute for International Political Studies, a think tank.

"Global South countries marching together toward modernization is monumental in world history and unprecedented in human civilization," Xi said at the "BRICS Plus" Dialogue in Kazan, Russia, last year, while acknowledging that "the road to prosperity for the Global South will not be straight."

"No matter how the international landscape evolves, we in China will always keep the Global South in our heart, and maintain our roots in the Global South," Xi pledged.

The tempo of a male elephant seal’s call broadcasts his identity to rival males, a new study finds.

Every male elephant seal has a distinct vocalization that sounds something like a sputtering lawnmower — pulses of sound in a pattern and at a pace that stays the same over time.

At a California state park where elephant seals breed each year, researchers played different variations of an alpha male’s threat call to subordinate males who knew him. The seals weren’t as responsive when the tempo of that call was modified substantially, suggesting they didn’t recognize it as a threat. Modifying the call’s timbre — the acoustic quality of the sound — had the same effect, researchers report August 7 in Current Biology. Unlike dolphins and songbirds, elephant seals don’t seem to vary pitch to communicate.
Those vocal name tags serve a purpose. During breeding season, male elephant seals spend three months on land without food or water, competing with rivals for social status and mating rights. Fights between two blubbery car-sized animals can be brutal.

“We’ve seen males lose their noses,” says Caroline Casey, a biologist at the University of California, Santa Cruz. For lower-ranking males, identifying an alpha male by his call and then backing off might prevent a beach brawl.

Neandertals took stick-to-itiveness to a new level. Using just scraps of wood and hot embers, our evolutionary cousins figured out how to make tar, a revolutionary adhesive that they used to make formidable spears, chopping tools and other implements by attaching sharp-edged stones to handles, a new study suggests.

Researchers already knew that tar-coated stones date to at least 200,000 years ago at Neandertal sites in Europe, well before the earliest known evidence of tar production by Homo sapiens, around 70,000 years ago in Africa. Now, archaeologist Paul Kozowyk of Leiden University in the Netherlands and colleagues have re-created the methods that these extinct members of the human genus could have used to produce tar.
Three straightforward techniques could have yielded enough adhesive for Neandertals’ purposes, Kozowyk’s team reports August 31 in Scientific Reports. Previous studies have found that tar lumps found at Neandertal sites derive from birch bark. Neandertal tar makers didn’t need ceramic containers such as kilns and didn’t have to heat the bark to precise temperatures, the scientists conclude.
These findings fuel another burning question about Neandertals: whether they had mastered the art of building and controlling a fire. Some researchers suspect that Neandertals had specialized knowledge of fire control and used it to make adhesives; others contend that Neandertals only exploited the remnants of wildfires. The new study suggests they could have invented low-tech ways to make tar with fires, but it’s not clear whether those fires were intentionally lit.

“This new paper demystifies the prehistoric development of birch-bark tar production, showing that it was not predicated on advanced cognitive or technical skills but on knowledge of familiar, readily available materials,” says archaeologist Daniel Adler of the University of Connecticut in Storrs, who did not participate in the study.
Kozowyk’s group tested each of three tar-making techniques between five and 11 times. The lowest-tech approach consisted of rolling up a piece of birch bark, tying it with wood fiber and covering it in a mound of ashes and embers from a wood fire. Tar formed between bark layers and was scraped off the unrolled surface. The experimenters collected up to about one gram of tar this way.

A second strategy involved igniting a roll of birch bark at one end and placing it in a small pit. In some cases, embers were placed on top of the bark. The researchers either scraped tar off bark layers or collected it as it dripped onto a rock, strip of bark or a piece of bark folded into a cup. The most tar gathered with this method, about 1.8 grams, was in a trial using a birch-bark cup placed beneath a bark roll with its lit side up and covered in embers.

Repeating either the ash-mound or pit-roll techniques once or twice would yield the relatively small quantity of tar found at one Neandertal site in Europe, the researchers say. Between six and 11 repetitions would produce a tar haul equal to that previously unearthed at another European site.

In a third technique, the scientists placed a birch-bark vessel for collecting tar into a small pit. They placed a layer of twigs across the top of the pit and placed pebbles on top, then added a large, loose bark roll covered in a dome-shaped coat of wet soil. A fire was then lit on the earthen structure. This method often failed to produce anything. But after some practice with the technique, one trial resulted in 15.7 grams of tar — enough to make a lump comparable in size to the largest chunks found at Neandertal sites.

An important key to making tar was reaching the right heat level. Temperatures inside bark rolls, vessels, fires and embers varied greatly, but at some point each procedure heated bark rolls to between around 200˚ and 400˚ Celsius, Kozowyk says. In that relatively broad temperature range, tar can be produced from birch bark, he contends.

If they exploited naturally occurring fires, Neandertal tar makers had limited time and probably relied on a simple technique such as ash mounds, Kozowyk proposes. If Neandertals knew how to start and maintain fires, they could have pursued more complex approaches.

Some researchers say that excavations point to sporadic use of fire by Neandertals, probably during warm, humid months when lightning strikes ignited wildfires. But other investigators contend that extinct Homo species, including Neandertals, built campfires (SN: 5/5/12, p. 18).

Whatever the case, Kozowyk says, “Neandertals could have invented tar with only basic knowledge of fire and birch bark.”

An ancient vegetarian dinosaur from the French countryside has given paleontologists something to sink their teeth into.

The most striking feature of a new species of rhabdodontid that lived from 84 million to 72 million years ago is its oversized, scissorslike teeth, paleontologist Pascal Godefroit, of the Royal Belgian Institute of Natural Sciences in Brussels, and his colleagues report October 26 in Scientific Reports. Compared with other dinos of its kind, Matheronodon provincialis’ teeth were at least twice as large but fewer in number. Some teeth reached up to 6 centimeters long, while others grew up to 5 centimeters wide. They looked like a caricature of normal rhabdodontid teeth, Godefroit says.
Of hundreds of fossils unearthed over the last two decades at a site called Velaux-La Bastide Neuve in the French countryside, a handful of jaw bones and teeth now have been linked to this new species, Matheronodon provincialis. The toothy dino belongs to a group of herbivorous, bipedal dinosaurs common in the Cretaceous Period. Rhabdodontids sported bladelike teeth, and likely noshed on the tough woody tissue parts of plants. Palm trees, common in Europe at the time, might have been on the menu.

Rhabdodontid teeth have ridges covered by a thick layer of enamel on one side and little to no ridges or enamel on the other. Teeth in the upper jaw have more ridges and enamel on the outer edge, while the reverse is true for bottom teeth. A closer look at the microstructure of M. provincialis’ teeth revealed an exaggerated version of this — many more ridges and lopsided enamel coating. Enamel typically protects from wear and tear, so chewing would have sharpened the dino’s teeth. “They operated like self-sharpening serrated scissors,” Godefroit says.

Overtime is going to look a little bit different in college football games during the 2021 season. The NCAA has once again made some minor tweaks to its overtime rules.

Why? It's all in the name of bringing the game to a quicker conclusion.
The NCAA has made shortening overtime its mission since Texas A&M beat LSU 74-72 in a seven overtime game during the 2018 season. As exciting as that game was, it was long. More than 200 snaps were played, which is certainly not ideal for the players on the field.

So, how is the NCAA changing its overtime rules for 2021? Here's everything you need to know about the differences in overtime this season and how it compares to previous seasons.
College football overtime rules 2021
The NCAA amended its overtime rules in 2021 in an attempt to lessen the number of plays run in an overtime period. Teams are now required to run a two-point conversion after a touchdown beginning in the second overtime period. Previously, that began in the third overtime period.

Additionally, teams will begin running alternating two-point conversion attempts if the game reaches a third overtime. So, it's essentially a one-play drive. The goal of this is to limit the number of plays run from scrimmage by each team.

Here are the rest of the college football overtime rules for the 2021 season.

At the end of regulation, the referee will toss a coin to determine which team will possess the ball first in overtime. The visiting team captain will call the toss. The winner gets to choose to either play offense or defense first or chooses which side of the field to play on. The decision cannot be deferred.
The teams that loses the coin toss must exercise the remaining option. They will then have the chance to choose first from the four categories in the second overtime and subsequent even-numbered OT periods. The team that wins the toss will have the same options in odd-numbered OT periods.
In each of the first two overtime periods, teams are granted one possession beginning at the opponent's 25-yard line, unless a penalty occurs to move them back. The offense can place the ball anywhere on or between the hash marks.
Each team is granted one timeout per overtime period. Timeouts do not carry over from regulation nor do they carry over between overtime periods.
Each team retains the ball until it fails to score, fails to make a first down or turns the ball over.
Beginning with the second overtime period, teams must attempt a two-point conversion after scoring a touchdown.
Beginning with the third overtime period, teams will begin to run alternating two-point conversion plays instead of offensive possessions.
The college football overtime rules are the same in both the regular and postseason.
College football overtime rule change proposals
The most recent overtime rule change proposal was passed by the NCAA in 2021. It was made in the name of shortening games and limiting offensive reps, as previously stated.

Below are the rule changes that were ratified for 2021:

Beginning with the second overtime period, teams must attempt a two-point conversion after scoring a touchdown.
Beginning with the third overtime period, teams will begin to run alternating two-point conversion plays instead of offensive possessions.
History of college football overtime rules
Up until 1996, most NCAA games did not go to overtime. They simply ended in a tie. However, the governing body adopted overtime rules after pushback on some important matchups ending all square.

The initial overtime rules were in place for quite a while. Each team got the ball at the opponent's 25-yard line and retained the ball until it failed to score, failed to make a first down or turned the ball over. Teams alternated possessions until a team emerged as a victor.

Then, in 2019, the NCAA made a couple of changes in the name of shortening the game. That's when they added the two-point conversion rule, so teams had to start attempting a two-point conversion starting in the third overtime. Then, after five overtimes, teams would start running alternating two-point conversion plays. These changes were, basically, a direct response to the Texas A&M vs. LSU game.

In 2021, the rules were tweaked again, as teams must run two-point conversions in the second overtime period and will begin alternating two-point plays when the third overtime begins.

Prior to the 2021-22 season, the NBA's historic 75th season, Stephen Curry was hot on the heels of Hall of Famer Ray Allen to become the all-time leader for most 3-pointers made.

Entering the season, Curry needed 142 3-pointers needed to surpass Allen, and 12 games into the season, he's knocked off 76 of the latter's lead.
It's still early but Curry is averaging a career-high 5.4 makes per game, a shade above his previous career-high of 5.3 which he set last year in 63 games. During the 2015-16 season in which he set the all-time single-season record with 402 en route to winning his second straight MVP award, Curry averaged 5.1 makes in 79 games.
Top 10 players on the all-time leader for most made 3-pointers
Curry is one of three active players in the Top 10 with James Harden and Damian Lillard being the other two players.

 Player  3-pointers

1. Ray Allen 2,973
2. Stephen Curry 2,908
3. Reggie Miller 2,560
4. James Harden 2,489
5. Kyle Korver 2,450
6. Vince Carter 2,290
7. Jason Terry 2,282
8. Jamal Crawford 2,221
9. Paul Pierce 2,143
10. Damian Lillard 2,087
    LeBron James, who ranks 11th, could break into the Top 10 and increase the list to four active players later this season.

When will Stephen Curry surpass Ray Allen?
Curry has hit 42 of the 76 3-pointers in just five games including a red-hot shooting game against the LA Clippers, where he erupted for 45 points that started with a perfect 25-point first quarter and an overall 8-of-13 efficiency from beyond the arc and a 50-piece against the Atlanta Hawks.

As of Nov. 16, the baby-faced assassin, who is considered to be the greatest 3-pointer shooter in NBA history, needs 76 more 3-pointers to overtake Allen.
Going by his season average of 5.4 3-pointers per game, Curry would take anywhere around 14 games to jump to the No. 1 spot on the all-time charts.

That many games mean Curry could make NBA history in mid-December, provided of course that he misses no games moving forward.

Warriors upcoming 2021-22 schedule
With that projection, Curry would likely make NBA history on the road as Golden State would be on a five-game Eastern Conference road trip in mid-December.

14 games ahead on the Warriors schedule will see the team in Indiana, the birthplace of basketball. 15 games ahead will see the Warriors at the iconic Madison Square Garden playing the Knicks.

In case Curry takes a couple more games to surpass Allen, he has a couple of more iconic locations awaiting him in Boston - home of one of the oldest franchises which is tied for the most champions in NBA history - and Toronto - the capital of the birth country of James Naismith, the sport's inventor.

Warriors upcoming schedule
Date Opponent Time (ET)
Nov. 10 vs. Timberwolves 10:00 pm
Nov. 12 vs. Bulls 10:00 pm
Nov. 14 at Hornets 7:00 pm
Nov. 16 at Nets 7:30 pm
Nov. 18 at Cavaliers 7:30 pm
Nov. 19 at Pistons 7:00 pm
Nov. 21 vs. Raptors 8:30 pm
Nov. 24 vs. 76ers 10:00 pm
Nov. 26 vs. Trail Blazers 10:00 pm
Nov. 28 at LA Clippers 3:30 pm
Nov. 30 at Suns 10:00 pm
Dec. 3 vs. Suns 10:00 pm
Dec. 4 vs. Spurs 8:30 pm
Dec. 6 vs. Magic 10:00 pm
Dec. 8 vs. Trail Blazers 10:00 pm
Dec. 11 at 76ers 8:30 pm
Dec. 13 at Pacers 7:00 pm
Dec. 14 at Knicks 7:30 pm
Dec. 17 at Celtics 7:30 pm